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EXCLUSIVE: How Rwanda IDs, Army Uniform Landed Ugandan Soldiers, Cops in Trouble



On Friday, May 1, 2020, the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI), launched a secret operation aimed at busting what was considered a cell of collaborators of Rwanda within UPDF.

The operatives’ focus was the Airforce – a key institution of the armed forces which President Museveni has been keenly developing over the last one decade.

During the operation which lasted three days, Airforce staff were arrested. These are Phillip Neville Ankunda attached to Special Forces headquarters as a Pilot, Privates Nathan Ndwane, Moses Asiimwe Makobore and Godfrey Mugabi attached to Nakasongola Airforce Wing as students of Engineering and Aircrafts Maintenance.

Additionally, four Police officers, were picked from their respective duty stations by the Regional Police Commanders and handed over to CMI.

They are Benon Akandwanaho, the former Kira division Community Liaison Officer, Frank Sabiiti who was attached to Counter Terrorism at Mutukula border post, Second Lieutenants Alex Kasamula attached to Military Police,

All the arrested 7 officers are friends who happened to belong to the same WhatsApp chat group.

The arrest was triggered by a message posted by Private Ndwane in which he chronicled the history of Banyarwanda tribe and insinuated that the group is discriminated in Uganda.

This was indeed a sensitive message and members on the group tried to stop him from writing such stuff as a member of the security force.

Upon arrest, Ndwane’s residence was searched and social media accounts notably Facebook scanned through.

Investigators retrieved photos of Private Ndwane in Rwandan army uniform. Way back he attended the ‘Ingando’ Programme in which youths with Rwandan heritage are given cadre-ship course.

President Museveni has always complained about this programme that it indoctrinates Ugandans of Rwandan origin.

Rwanda presents ‘Ingando’ programme as an aspect of the government’s post-genocide reconstruction policy of national unity and reconciliation.

Rwandans and friends of Rwanda are encourage to take part in the programme administered by ruling party officials and the army.

However, President Museveni has reportedly expressed his reservations over the programme with his Rwandan counterpart, Kagame.

To Museveni, the programme is aimed at brainwashing people including Ugandans to love Rwanda more than their country.

This, Ugandan officials say, creates a fertile ground for recruitment of spies and infiltration of key institutions in Uganda.

Rwanda IDs

Meanwhile, Ndwane was also found with Rwandan national Identity Card along with other members on the chat.

These officers had acquired Rwandan IDs before they entered their respective forces.

The soldiers’ supporters told ChimpReports that they wanted to get jobs during good old days when Ugandan graduates were on high demand in Rwanda.

A combination of Rwandan IDs, Rwandan army Uniform and insensitive messages from Ndwane created suspicion.

CMI investigated if there was more to it.

The associates of the troubled officers further said after weeks of investigations, investigators failed to find a ‘smoking gun’ in terms of evidence of subversive activities by the group beyond a swirl of suspicion.

However, an investigation by this website established that some of these Ugandan army officers were openly showing their loyalty to the Rwandan government and its security services.

For example, in one of the chats, one of the soldiers showed loyalty to then Rwandan army chief Gen Patrick Nyamvumba.

A source briefed about this investigation wondered: “How could these UPDF soldiers say they were loyal to Rwanda? Especially at a time our relations with them were at their lowest? Before joining the army, they were indoctrinated during a study trip to Rwanda. They even got IDs of Rwanda.”

“Yet, the law here requires that for one to join UPDF, one must be a Ugandan. Why didn’t they declare their loyalty to Rwanda before joining UPDF?” exclaimed a source who preferred anonymity to speak freely.


Nevertheless, during the investigation, it turned out that Lt Phillip Ankunda had a close Rwandan friend, Jackie Batamuriza.

Security is investigating reports that Batamuriza is an agent of the neighbouring country.

Batamuriza was briefly questioned by the military intelligence before being freed.

Nevertheless, the security services believe Ankunda and his two colleagues Ndwane and Makobore being principal suspects of a Rwandan cell in the Airforce.

Lt Phillip Neville Ankunda is among the jailed UPDF soldiers

ASP Benon Akandwanaho, a community liaison officer for Kiira Division Police Station, and ASP Frank Sabiiti were also arrested by the military

It is said Sabiiti and Akandwanaho just happen to be victims of circumstances-being in the same WhatsApp chat with the principal suspects.

However, the army alleged members of this WhatsApp chat secretly released confidential security information to Rwanda hence jeopardizing Uganda’s national security.

While some sections of the media reported that Ankunda and his colleagues worked with Rwanda to infiltrate and compromise the unit that manages Uganda’s war jets, officials said this was yet to be fully confirmed.

Uganda’s Su-30MK2 multi-role fighter aircraft boasts enhanced combat capabilities against aerial, ground and sea-based targets, giving Uganda an edge in a potential military conflict with Rwanda.

Rwanda and Uganda have for the last three years been teetering on the verge of an all-out war, leading to intensified intelligence gathering by their respective military institutions.

Both countries maintain heavily-armed military units along their borders as a precautionary measure.

The arrest of the Ugandan army officials shows the impact of the bad bilateral relations between the two countries on their respective armies.

In Rwanda, perceived supporters of Uganda have since been removed from senior positions in the armed forces and other government institutions.

Court case

It is alleged the army wanted to charge only three Airforce officers – Ndwane, Makobore Asiimwe and Ankunda with conduct prejudicial to the good order and discipline of the UPDF contrary to section 178 of the UPDF act.

The initial charge sheet

The police officers were to be released upon further interrogation of the 3 air force officers.

However, friends of police officers Akandwanaho and Sabiiti said when they petitioned the leadership over their friends’ incarceration for over 90 days, CMI moved quickly to charge and remand them to avoid media backlash over the illegal detention.

“We are aware that there is no evidence at this stage that can secure conviction beyond mere suspicion which is why prosecution indicated that investigations are still ongoing on more than 3 months after the arrest. The prosecutors are yet to get files from CMI,” the detained police officers’ friend said.

“Technical officers who did investigations intimated to us that there is no case that can be proven in a court of law…”

However, a senior military official we contacted over this matter, said, “Security matters are sensitive. What you think is small can be more harmful.”

Asked if they had enough evidence implicating the arrested officers, the senior army officer noted: “What a coincidence that they were all connected somehow and above all in Airforce?”


It is alleged that between February and May 2020, the accused persons and others still at large in various places within Kampala city shared sensitive and classified information to agents of Rwanda authorities with intention to prejudice the security of the defense forces of the government of Uganda.

The soldiers appear before the court martial in Makindye recently

The soldiers and police officers, however, denied the charges.

Prosecution asked for more time to allow the army complete its investigations into the matter.

The accused were subsequently remanded to Makindye military police barracks until August 31, 2020.

Source –


Year of the Overcomer-Prophet Elvis Mbonye



The eagerly awaited first fellowship of controversial Prophet Elvis Mbonye left viewers shocked as he declined to issue his now famous prophecies citing a refusal to settle for the new normal. In an on online service watched by thousands, the Prophet said him prophesying would “ be a concession to gathering online, rather than physically” further stating that it is not the will of God that church should meet online!

The Covid-19 SOPs given by the government and Ministry of Health have heavily impacted gatherings and as a result, ministries with large congregations have resorted to online services. The prophet however insists that this is a ploy to diminish the influence of the Kingdom of God.

He however proceeded to give the Prophetic Word of the year , saying “This is the year of the Overcomers” amidst cheers from those present. He also stated that this would not be a “gloomy” year, probably meaning that this would be a good year. Given that many of his prophecies have actually come to pass, should we pay more attention to him? We eagerly await the prophecies this year.

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Kabuleta blasts Media over “COFIT” reporting in new rant.



Presidential hopeful Joseph Kiiza Kabuleta has expressed dissatisfaction with the media over what he says was”alarmist reporting” over the Covid-19 pandemic which he calls “COFIT” a term we believe is a wordplay between covid and profit, a view held by many that claims that the disease was exaggerated to maximize funding and corruption. Kabuleta has come to be known for his straight shooting style and admirable command of facts and policy, even being touted as the “smartest candidate” in the is the full statement:


By Joseph Kabuleta

“Don’t look at where you fell, but where you slipped”

We know where the media fell. They fell when they were caught in the crossfire between opposition politicians and trigger-happy security hitmen; when they were unfairly targeted as they went about their noble duty of covering this explosive elective season. Sadly, some journalists are nursing wounds; others weren’t so lucky.
But it’s important for us to understand where they slipped.

If someone is sitting by the roadside sipping on his brew and he sees a gang of people sprinting past him, as if for their lives, it’s understandable if he impulsively joins without asking questions. But if after nine months he is still sprinting, and has still not asked any questions, then there’s something terribly wrong with him.

When we first went into lockdown in March, it was probably the best course of action because we didn’t know the full extent of the Cofit threat. But in the first 90 days, it was clear to all and sundry that it was never going to rank among Uganda’s top health challenges. And that’s not my opinion.

The Daily Monitor on July 15th quoted Dr Baterana Byarugaba, the Mulago Hospital Executive Director, describing the Cofit strain in the country as a mild form of flu which does not require hospital admission since it can be treated at home or in lower health facilities.
“l told Ugandans right from the beginning that the type of coronavirus we expect in Uganda is the mild one. It can be treated at health centre II, III, IV or the district hospital,” the top Medic said.

I read the story with glorious delight supposing that finally common sense, (or should I say science sense) would inform our decisions as a nation. But it’s difficult to know where science stops and politics starts. It’s become clear over the months that Cofit is not just a virus that causes respiratory problems, it’s a lot more than that; it’s a weapon in the hands of politicians that gives them power beyond their wildest dreams. In America, for instance, Democrat Congressman Jim Clyburn said Cofit is a “tremendous opportunity to restructure things to fit our (leftist) vision” while actress and activist Jane Fonda said that Cofit was “God’s gift to the left.”

Our media could have taken the side of poor Ugandans by showing the immense suffering and death from preventable sicknesses that resulted from the harsh Cofit measures; they could have highlighted the plight of businesses permanently closed and workers rendered redundant and sent back to villages. They could have wondered why truck drivers were testing negative in Kenya and positive in Uganda, or wondered why Cofit deaths only started after Prophet Museveni showed us a macabre lineup of coffins in his address, or why every celebrity who dies since then is ruled as Cofit (no autopsy required)

They could have told us that according to Worldometer, Cofit has a 0.28% mortality rate (or a 99.72 survival rate) and that it doesn’t rank anywhere in the Top 10 of Uganda’s health challenges; they could have told us that a child dies of malaria every two minutes (and Uganda accounts for 3% of the world’s malaria fatalities), which means that more Ugandans die from mosquitoes in ten days than Cofit has (allegedly) killed in the nine months it’s been on our lips.

Ugandans (especially of my age) have lived through real pandemics. As a young man growing up in the early 90s, nobody had to remind me that AIDS was real. Goodness me, I knew it was! And I didn’t need police to force me to wear protection, I knew the consequences. The fact that we are constantly being reminded that ‘Cofit is real’ tells a story of its own.

The media could have asked why Uganda, with one of the lowest Cofit cases or deaths, still holds on to a 9:00pm curfew when Kenya moved to 11:00pm in September, as did South Africa and several countries. The media could have told us that Malawi, Burundi, Tanzania and, recently, Ghana all held successful elections with full blown campaigns in 2020, and we aren’t hearing people dropping dead from Cofit in any of those countries. May be they should have tried to find out if people are dropping dead in Tanzania which altogether ignored all Cofit measures and went on to acquire middle-income status while Ugandans were still in lockdown.

They could have told us about the asymptomatic Cofit patients who were filmed dancing the night away in hospital wards, or of people suffering from other diseases who dare not go to hospital because they fear to be given a fake Cofit label and held for two weeks against their will.

The media could have told us that Cofit deaths across the world have been grossly inflated. Minnesota lawmakers say Cofit deaths could have been inflated by 40% after examining death certificates (according to The Washington Examiner) while Fox News reported that in Colorado 45% of Cofit corpses “were also found to have bullet wounds”.

They could have told us that 22 European countries, all of which had tens of thousands of Cofit deaths, opened their schools in the fall, and there has not been any reported spikes in cases as a result. They could have told us that more people have been killed by security men enforcing Cofit measures than by the virus itself.

Well, they could have…but they didn’t. And that’s where they slipped.

Instead they chose to go down the path of alarmist reporting and in so doing became, inadvertently or otherwise, enablers of Uganda’s trillion-shilling Cofit enterprise. Like Squealer in George Orwell’s Animal Farm, the media used flowery language to drum up fear by keeping people’s eyes transfixed on swelling numbers while the thieves carried their loot and stashed it away, and loan money was distributed among family members or used in regime prolongation.

The recent joint television news bulletin, and the adverts that followed, were the peak of hysterical reporting. “Zuukuka Tusaanawo” (wake up, we are perishing) screamed an advert featuring top media personalities. What a load of……(fill in appropriate word).

Remember, all the tyranny we have witnessed in this season has been done in the name of Cofit, and such sensationalist reporting justifies it; it gives dictators like Museveni the perfect pseudo-moralistic cover to unleash their most despotic fantasies while actually pretending that it’s for the good of the people. Unfortunately, the terror has now spread to the very media people whose hyperbole enabled it in the first place. There is such a thing as the law of cause and consequence, after all.

Instead of the media walking out of pressers and threatening to boycott government functions, let them threaten to stop all Cofit reporting. Museveni himself would come running with chocolate in hand.

If the president extended curfew by just two hours, for instance, he will have put as many as 200,000 Ugandans back to work especially in the hotel, restaurant and entertainment industries; but he doesn’t care, and sadly neither do many middleclass Ugandans who suppose that it’s their moral obligation as responsible citizens of the Global Village to fret over Cofit just because their ‘fellow citizens’ in Europe and America are doing so. Of course they can afford to do that because their corporate jobs have, for the most part, insulated them from the devastation of the government-instituted Cofit measures. They can enjoy working at home, beer in hand, as they listen to CNN and BBC and still expect the full complement of their salaries at the month end, and that makes them feel every bit like ‘their brothers’ overseas.

Such aspirational conformists are more likely to be offended by my stance on Cofit because they haven’t traversed crook and creek of this country and seen the damage reigned on this fragile society; not by the virus, but by the measures supposedly instituted to mitigate it.

You see, perhaps the most enduring damage this regime has done to our society is creating a three-part hierarchy of class and needs. At the zenith are a handful of connected ‘1986 generation’ and their families who feel entitled to all power and wealth. Beneath is a small (and shrinking) middleclass, and at the bottom of the pyramid is a mass of peasants. Every society, to various degrees, is ordered in the same fashion, but what makes Uganda unique is that the megalomaniacs at the top don’t give a nickel about the plight of the middleclass and the middleclass in turn don’t care a bit about the quandary of the peasant. The charlatans at the top will impose punitive taxes on the middleclass, then dip into NSSF coffers at a whim to share out their savings, and no one can stop them.

And the middleclass Ugandan, armed with his medical insurance, and safe in the knowledge that his wife is unlikely to die in child birth (20 Ugandans do EVERY DAY), and his children are very unlikely to die of malaria (20 do EVERY DAY), or from malnutrition (thousands do every year), will go around trumpeting Cofit because it’s more relevant to his status than malnutrition or malaria.

I could just as easily go down that path. I could also close my eyes to mothers failing to get breast milk because they can only afford half a meal a day (black tea with a piece of cassava), and the malnourished babies that emerge as a result; I could close my eyes to the teenage girls that were given out in marriage because schools closed, or those given out to meet family needs; I could ignore the fact that our president is opening 5-star markets in cities which have 1-star referral hospitals; I could also choose to look the other way and enjoy my middleclass lifestyle, but as an aspiring leader, I cannot.

As a leader, my aspiration is to remove the privileged/entitled class, to expand the middleclass (and their income), and to shrink the peasantry; but mostly to blur the lines that separate each category.
It doesn’t bode well for our country if the average Corporate Ugandan knows more about racism in America than about extreme poverty in Teso or Busoga because that disqualifies him/her from the solution to those local problems.

And finally, I have come to the realization that the biggest pandemic afflicting our country is poverty and the virus that causes it is called M7-1986. Vaccination against it is January 14

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Muntu Blocked in Kamwenge



Alliance for National Transformation presidential candidate Gen. Mugisha Muntu has been blocked from campaigning in Kamwenge according to a statement he released earlier today.Below is the full statement:

Today in Kamwenge, as we have done since the start of the campaign season, we headed out to speak with the people. We had earlier in the week agreed on the venue with security agencies. No one had anticipated that it would rain as much as it did, making it impossible for us or the people to access.

After identifying an alternative place only 100m away from the original venue, negotiating with the owner and communicating the same to the public, we headed to the second venue only to be stopped by police.

Our policy has always been to do all we can to be reasonable, even in the face of unreasonable action on the part of the state. We engaged the police leadership in a civilized, respectable manner well knowing that they intended to not only frustrate us, but cause us to act in ways that would give them an excuse to cause chaos. This was on top of their intimidating the radio we had booked and duly paid to appear on.

While we are confident that we are on the right side of both the law and reason, we have chosen not to endanger the lives of our supporters or the general public by escalating the situation. We will do everything humanly possible to avoid a single life being lost or blood being shed on account of our campaign.

And yet this truth remains: the regime’s days are numbered.



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